By David Coleman
Creating Christian Granada presents a richly precise exam of a severe and transitional episode in Spain's march to international empire. town of Granada―Islam's ultimate bastion at the Iberian peninsula―surrendered to the regulate of Spain's "Catholic Monarchs" Isabella and Ferdinand on January 2, 1492. Over the subsequent century, Spanish country and Church officers, in addition to tens of millions of Christian immigrant settlers, reworked the previously Muslim urban right into a Christian one.
With consistent consciousness to situating the Granada case within the broader comparative contexts of the medieval reconquista culture at the one hand and sixteenth-century Spanish imperialism within the Americas at the different, Coleman conscientiously charts the alterations within the conquered city's social, political, spiritual, and actual landscapes. within the strategy, he sheds gentle at the neighborhood components contributing to the emergence of tensions among the conquerors and Granada's previously Muslim, "native" morisco neighborhood within the a long time major as much as the crown-mandated expulsion of lots of the city's moriscos in 1569–1570.
Despite the failure to assimilate the moriscos, Granada's prestige as a frontier Christian group below development fostered between a lot of the immigrant neighborhood cutting edge spiritual reform principles and courses that formed in direct methods various church-wide reform hobbies within the period of the ecumenical Council of Trent (1545–1563). Coleman concludes that the method in which reforms of principally Granadan beginning contributed considerably to modifications within the Church as an entire forces a reconsideration of conventional "top-down" conceptions of sixteenth-century Catholic reform.
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Additional resources for Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492-1600
Contemporary travelers and observers such as Hieronymus Munzer and the Venetian diplomat Andrea Navagero, for example, typically coupled their lavish praises for the city's staggering physical beauty and exotic Muslim architecture with blanket generalizations in which they characterized Granada's "native" population as a uniformly disgruntled and rebellious lot. "They are Christians," Navagero wrote during his I 526 visit, "only by means of force, and are poorly instructed in matters of the faith ....
Miguel's granddaughter Isabel, for example, married a prominent "Old Christian" jurist in Granada's royal appellate court, and his descendent Alvaro Hermes even gathered in I6IO enough perjured testimony from "Old Christian" friends to convince crown authorities that the family was in fact not morisco at all, but rather descendants of Milanese merchants, and thus not subject to the I609 order expelling all moriscos from Spain. 1 The story of the Hermes family is emblematic of startling evidence that j 32 MUDEJARES AND MORISCOS : : has emerged from a recent wave of research into largely untapped material in Granada's archives-evidence that has raised important questions concerning the traditional historiographical portrayal of the city's moriscos as a unified community whose cohesion was forged and constantly strengthened by the ongoing hostility and persecution of church and state authorities.
The percentage of single women among frontier Granada's immigrant community was almost certainly higher than the tiny fraction represented in this database. Married or single, immigrant women in postconquest Granada were drawn to the city for a variety of reasons, and they occupied a wide array of positions within the local economy. Some, like the struggling Extremaduran merchant Juana Gonzalez discussed above, worked alongside their husbands or even took over family businesses after their husbands' deaths.